Crime Today News
By Kenneth Tiven
Donald Trump is angry and frustrated with the US Constitution and federal judges, but the only person he should blame is England’s King George III, whose indifference towards North American colonists ignited the American Revolution nearly 250 years ago.
Trump’s PR machinery calls it judicial activism. His most mean-spirited adviser, Stephen Miller, grumbles about a “judicial coup”, writing on Truth Social: “How is it possible for [judges] to have potentially done such damage to the United States of America? Is it purely a hatred of ‘TRUMP’? What other reason could it be?”
The answer is not complicated: a president is sworn to uphold the Constitution and the law—not to run the nation as he did his businesses, which went bankrupt six times and paid massive fines for fraudulent ventures like Trump University.
The core Republican idea under Trump is to redirect money and programmes away from the 90 percent of Americans who need them and towards the top 10 percent who do not. Tax cuts for the wealthy come at the cost of slashing services for a population grappling with inflation and stagnating wages.
Trump and his advisers operate as though America still mirrors the 1940s, when it was 90 percent white. Today, only 61 percent of Americans are white, and the nation is more diverse and complex. His policies reflect nostalgia for an era that no longer exists. Unsurprisingly, more than 185 judicial rulings have blocked or paused Trump’s initiatives. Judges, including many he appointed, have responded to his legal overreach with firm resistance.
One such shock came from the US Court of International Trade, which ruled that Trump overstepped his authority by imposing tariffs—powers that belong to Congress. Though an appeals court temporarily suspended the decision, the fact that a Trump-appointed judge dissented was a wake-up call. Trump lashed out at the Federalist Society, once his go-to judge-vetting body, calling former leader Leonard Leo a “sleazebag”.
His business background—marked by authoritarian decision-making—has skewed his view of governance. He sees judges not as independent interpreters of law, but as loyal employees.
A compliant Attorney General, Pam Bondi, has instructed Justice Department lawyers to stall and obstruct—tactics Trump learned from his mentor Roy Cohn, infamous for defending Fred Trump in housing discrimination cases. These stalling manoeuvres have continued from the 1970s into the 2020s, culminating in Trump’s 34 felony convictions in a New York court in 2024.
The Trump administration has ignored the legal principle that American laws apply to all within its borders, citizens or not. Immigration arrests are being made without warrants or court access. Hundreds of undocumented individuals have been flown to offshore detention centres. Student visas are revoked without notice, disproportionately affecting foreign scholars.
Trump’s battle with Harvard University is both ideological and punitive. Federal judges have blocked efforts to strip the school of vital research funding, but the administration has now turned to weaponizing visa controls to choke its international enrolment.
In 2016, Trump didn’t expect to win and floundered in office. In 2025, he returned prepared—with a 900-page “battle plan” for a theocratic America fuelled by right-wing fantasy. Their strategy: drown Opposition with non-stop policy announcements.
Trump’s “One Beautiful Budget Bill” for 2026 is a singular omnibus bill combining all spending measures—a break from past practice. The House, where budget bills must originate, narrowly passed it. But Senate Republicans, including six or seven who aren’t afraid of Trump’s wrath, may block or amend it.
Opposition gained unexpected momentum when Elon Musk—once Trump’s mega donor—attacked the bill. On X, Musk called it “a disgusting abomination,” warning it would balloon the deficit to $2.5 trillion and crush American taxpayers.
Musk’s statement shocked Trump’s team. His budget slashes Medicaid, food aid and other social programmes while banning states from regulating artificial intelligence for a decade—provisions added just two nights before the mark up. One such provision on page 278 outraged Congresswoman Marjorie Taylor Greene, who admitted she didn’t read the bill before voting for it.
Democrats were quick to pounce. “You have one job. To. Read. The. Bill,” tweeted Rep. Eric Swalwell. “Read the f**king bill instead of clapping for it like a performing monkey,” added Rep. Mark Pocan.
The AI clause—aimed at pre-empting state regulations—is especially troubling as the federal government builds vast surveillance databases using facial recognition, AI hiring tools, and predictive analytics. Existing state safeguards could be wiped out.
Such sneaky legislative tactics aren’t new. What’s different is the speed and opacity with which Republicans are pushing this 1,100+ page bill. This isn’t a page-turning thriller—it’s a terms-and-conditions contract for a dystopian America. The bill guts healthcare and redistributes wealth upwards—exactly what Trump’s critics expect from him.
Chaos has been a consistent theme in Trump’s four months back in office. Killing or rewriting this bill may offer the first sign that Opposition is coalescing against Trump’s authoritarian push.
Adding insult to injury, Trump is also trying to defund public broadcasters NPR and PBS by rescinding $1.1 billion in previously approved funding. The move is part of his broader war on the media, with lawsuits already underway.
Trump’s war on climate policy continues. States are told to bear the cost of disasters like hurricanes, even as his pick to lead FEMA, David Richardson, shocked staff by admitting he didn’t know the US had a hurricane season. A former marine and martial arts instructor, Richardson embodies Trump’s preference for loyalty and aesthetics over expertise.
Musk vs Trump: When billionaires brawl
A once mutually beneficial relationship between Donald Trump and Elon Musk collapses in spectacular fashion—leaving both reputations bruised and the nation caught in the crossfire
There is an African proverb: “When two elephants fight, it is the grass that gets trampled.” The bromance between Trump and Musk is over—and America is feeling the tremors. While both retain die-hard followers, their public spat may derail key policy agendas and political alliances.
What triggered this implosion? Musk’s opposition to Trump’s budget—especially the AI deregulation clause and massive deficits—sparked the fire. But things escalated fast when Musk accused Trump of being named in sealed Epstein files, alleging it was the reason they haven’t been released. Musk cited Trump’s now-infamous quote: “He’s a lot of fun to be with… many of [his women] are on the younger side.”
While there’s no verified evidence tying Trump to Epstein’s crimes, Musk’s attack—coming from a key political and financial backer—is seismic.
Musk, who poured $288 million into Republican campaigns in 2024, accused Trump of “ingratitude” and floated starting a third party. Trump responded with threats to Musk’s government contracts. Tesla stock plummeted 14 percent; Trump’s meme coin also tanked.
Musk’s image has morphed from genius to criminal in the eyes of many critics, especially over his data-mining “DOGE” team. His efforts to dismantle USAID could have lethal consequences for the world’s poorest.
Both Musk and Trump were shaped by domineering fathers. Now, they channel that into bullying others—each through platforms they own. Their feud may thrill the media, but it offers little hope for democratic governance or economic stability.
As Musk damages Trump during a precarious moment—amid budget backlash and judicial constraints—the question remains: who loses more in this duel of digital titans.
—The writer has worked in senior positions at The Washington Post, NBC, ABC and CNN and also consults for several Indian channels
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