Dear Editor, I disagree: Caste is not hidden in Bengal – it’s everyday politics

The entry of Dalits to a Shiva temple in the face of opposition by upper castes in West Bengal has, as expected, generated curiosity about the role of caste in the state’s society and politics. A recent editorial (‘Steps to equality’, IE, March 17) reiterated an old argument that even though caste discrimination exists in the state, the bhadralok — the upper-caste, urban middle class — denied or downplayed the caste question by virtue of its hegemonic power, thereby invisibilising it from public life. This invisibility of caste distinguishes Bengal from other states. Scholars have noted many factors for the disappearance of caste from the public domain such as the weakening of Dalit movements due to Partition, the impact of Left politics and its emphasis on “class” over “caste”, the bhadralok hegemony, dissimilar demands of caste-subaltern groups, among others. Caste has always mattered in the private realm, in village politics and in informal spaces, but it could not emerge as a key category in public life and in formal politics for a long time. The situation has, however, changed and caste is no longer invisible in Bengal’s politics. What we are witnessing today are assertions by different caste groups in a changing political landscape. The temple entry incident in the Bardhaman village is an instance of everyday casteism. But more importantly, it is a story of political assertion in which a Dalit group petitioned the local administration to ensure their safe and rightful entry to a temple, and successfully broke an age-old caste barrier under the protection of the state forces. For them, entering the temple has been a struggle for equal rights and social justice. In the past two decades, West Bengal has seen a series of caste identity-based political assertions by communities such as the Matuas, the Kurmis, the Rajbanshis, the Brahmins and others. Such assertions have not only turned caste into an idiom of formal politics but have also removed the veil of Bengal’s exceptionalism and dented the hegemony of the bhadralok to some extent. It is not difficult to notice the increasing visibility of caste if one studies the emerging patterns of political mobilisation, the politics of the recognition of new icons, and the changing vocabulary of the political leadership in the state. Firstly, the Left Front, which once had extraordinary control over rural affairs, has ceased to be the sole dominant institution in rural politics. This has resulted in shifts in the patterns of political mobilisation and paved the way for the growing political salience of identity-based organisations. Formed on the basis of caste, ethnic or religious affinities, these new actors now play the vital role of an intermediary between the people and the state. For instance, if today the Matuas, who are Dalit refugees, encounter an issue related to their citizenship, their go-to institution is likely to be the local branch of the Matua Mahasangha, and not necessarily any political party, to find a solution. This was evident when Matua leader and Union Minister Shantanu Thakur shared a phone number and an email address of the organisation when some Matuas complained about the sudden deactivation of their Aadhaar numbers last year. Given the considerable grip of these organisations over their respective communities, political parties negotiate with them vis-à-vis their demands in exchange for electoral support. In the last decade, parties have made targeted promises to different castes in their manifestos, nominated caste leaders as candidates, and often extended material benefits to caste associations. Secondly, the politics of caste becomes conspicuous if one observes the practices of recognition of hitherto ignored caste icons by the last two governments. In 2010, the Left Front instituted an award for contribution towards Dalit upliftment and called it the Thakur Harichand Guruchand Award, named after the Matua preceptors. To cite another instance, the TMC government has formed development boards for caste groups like Bauri, Namasudra, Rajbanshi, Kurmi, Kami and Bagdi. The practices of naming public institutions such as the Cooch Behar Panchanan Barma University, West Bengal Dalit Sahitya Academy or Dalit Bandhu Welfare and Development Board reveal the visibility of caste in institutional politics. Finally, it is crucial to note the changing vocabulary of the upper-caste political leadership. While campaigning in Nandigram during the state assembly polls in 2021, one may recall, that both Mamata Banerjee and Suvendu Adhikari publicly asserted their Brahmin identities. Adhikari, the leader of the opposition, more recently said that Muslim MLAs will be thrown out of the state assembly if BJP comes to power. A defining feature of the upper-caste bhadralok political leadership has been its efforts towards invisibilising caste from public life. Now, it seems that the bhadralok leadership neither finds it impolite to publicly assert one’s caste or religious identity, nor is it hesitant to use caste as an operative idiom in the present politics of West Bengal. The writer is assistant professor of political science, GITAM University, Bengaluru

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