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Bangladesh’s Chief Adviser Muhammad Yunus is reaching out to India’s adversaries
After eight months of sustained provocation — rising to the level of threatening India’s security and integrity — Delhi decided to give Bangladesh a mild shock. Four days after the April 4 meeting between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Bangladeshi Chief Adviser Muhammad Yunus in Bangkok, India withdrew the facility for transshipment of Bangladeshi exports. Introduced in 2020, the mechanism helped Bangladesh’s garment exporters beat congestion and high airfares at home by re-routing West-bound cargo through Delhi and Kolkata airports.
Transshipment has gained popularity over the last two years — the number of consignments grew by 64 per cent in 2024–25, and in value terms by an estimated 46 per cent, to touch $400 million. Delhi cited congestion for domestic cargo as the reason for scrapping the facility. However, this explanation is not very convincing — on average, only 15 Bangladeshi trucks turned up with transshipment cargo per day.
Not reading it right
India’s move marks a departure from its previously consistent commitment to bilateral cooperation. Despite the ouster of the Sheikh Hasina government on August 5, India continued collaborating with Bangladesh in all areas — except on visa operations. In November, the Modi government approved Bangladesh’s bid to purchase electricity from Nepal, transiting through India. Delhi recently withdrew from three rail projects, but those had seen inordinate delays under the Hasina regime. Dhaka failed to interpret India’s gestures correctly. In December, Bangladesh scrapped an internet bandwidth-sharing arrangement with India’s north-eastern region. Plans to grant the region access to Chittagong port have been put on hold.
The real problem lies in the priority area of security. Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) of Pakistan was always active here. Hasina’s ouster opened a new opportunity to them with reports of combat training and armed infiltration into Myanmar. In January, Dhaka permitted a delegation of the Pakistan Army and ISI to visit Rangpur, adjacent to the strategic Siliguri Corridor, which connects the North-East to rest of the country.
Bangladesh dismisses reports on ISI as figments of imagination. But the warmth towards Pakistan and the frequent visits by the Pakistani High Commissioner to border areas are all too obvious. In a more distinct development, Bangladesh recently invited China to build an airbase in Lalmonirhat. This is on top of reopening the prospect of Chinese involvement in Teesta River restoration programme. Both the projects are close to Siliguri.
Beijing used Teesta as a bargaining chip in the last decade, and India made a counter-offer. Hasina leveraged both sides before ultimately siding with India during her final press meet on July 14.
Yunus not only revived the controversy but added new items to the friction list — all within just eight months in office.
One may wonder if Yunus truly seeks India’s cooperation. His fondness for the near-defunct South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) — as opposed to the subregional BBIN grouping — can only be interpreted as a deliberate provocation.
On April 6, just two days before assuming office, Yunus stated: “If you destabilise Bangladesh, it will spill over all around, including Myanmar and the seven sisters in West Bengal.” Who exactly was “you”?
Another intriguing episode unfolded just weeks ago. In late March, while visiting Beijing, Yunus welcomed the expansion of the Chinese economy into North-East India via Bangladesh. His remarks stirred controversy. Ironically, this was also the period during which Yunus was actively seeking a meeting with Prime Minister Modi.
By Dhaka’s own admission, Delhi did not respond to the calls for a bilateral meeting in March. The meeting eventually took place on April 4. Modi reiterated India’s position on “inclusive” elections, minority rights, border security, and more. He also urged the Yunus administration to tone down its rhetoric.
No to election
From the beginning , Yunus has been non-committal about holding elections. He later changed course under pressure, but doubts remain about his sincerity. Left to him, Yunus might prefer a long spell of unaccountable power. His Home Minister voiced this plainly: “People want the interim government to stay for five more years,” he said on April 10.
This would serve the dual purpose of keeping the Awami League out of politics and crushing the Bangladesh Nationalist Party’s (BNP’s) dream of returning to power. BNP’s acting chairperson, Tarique Rahman, remains in exile.
The newly formed National Citizen Party (NCP) and Jamaat-e-Islami are strong backers of the no-election plan. The NCP survives on administrative oxygen. Jamaat lacks electoral support. But both crave unaccountable power.
A group of ideologues, bloggers, and fringe organisations complete the anti-election ecosystem. They are small in number but capable of creating enough noise and chaos.
The absence of the Awami League, a demoralised BNP, and a malnourished Jatiyo Party are making the pro-Yunus lobby’s job easier.
The writer is an independent columnist
Published on April 13, 2025
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